|
The first Khorezm Kurultay
In April 1920 in Khiva, the first
Khorezm Kurultay (meeting) of the people's representatives
took place. The Kurultay declared the abolition of
the Khiva khanate, and the program of the mladokhiva
activists was accepted as the basis of a new government.
The Kurultay formed the Council of People's Mazir.
Bolshevik Russia hesitated to acknowledge the formation
of a new state, but eventually signed an agreement
with it on 13 September 1920. In this agreement, Russia
acknowledged the independence of the Khorezm Peoples
Republic. Military, political, and economic agreements,
which were concluded at that time, promised aid to
the Khorezm Republic from Bolshevik Russia. But at
the same time, the freedom of economic development
of the new country was restricted: «Proceeding
from the principle of mutual support...the Republic
of Khorezm places all its raw materials at the disposal
of the Russian Republic.» This referred to such
products as cotton and cotton products, fur materials,
carpets, leather goods, wool, and seeds. By doing
this, the Republic of Khorezm forfeited its right
to have free trade with other countries. Its economy
became solely connected to Russia and Russian economic
requirements, and it therefore became dependent on
Russia. Khiva became the capital of the Khorezm Republic.
The population of the Khorezm Republic in 1918 was
25,000, divided into ninety-four maktialla, which
consisted of mainly of people who produced only for
themselves or perhaps were engaged in cottage industries.
Most of the workers (more than 80 %) were mardihers,
but they were not steady workers. The number of factory
workers was extremely low. The most popular industry
was the cotton industry. Two out of thirty-six cotton-cleaning
and oil-pressing factories were located in Khiva.
In addition, there were five brick factories, a diesel
power station, a bathhouse, and a telephone station
(built in 1920-1921) for twenty-one subscribers. The
cottage industry consisted of 214 small factories,
in which 1,200 people (nearly 25%) of the adult population
worked. The representatives of the Muslim clergy occupied
2.2% of the population in the Republic. As the capital,
Khiva became the administrative political center of
the new republic. The central offices of the new government,
and its political and social organizations were located
in the city. Among them were the Flazir Council, the
Central Executive Committee (since May 1921), and
Turkmen and Kazakh-Karakalpak departments. These authorities
addressed the political, economic, and cultural development
problems of the new country. There were five kurultays
of people representatives, four Congresses of the
Khorezm Communist Party, Trade Union meetings, Komsomol
and dekhkan conferences, and other meetings and congresses.
Great attention was paid to the development of culture
and education and to medical institutions. A boarding
school for homeless children, a club with 800 seats,
a library with 200 books, a hospital with 200 beds,
a movie theatre, a post office, a drug store and other
offices were opened in Khiva in April 1920. Soon a
National University, a Party School, teachers' seminars,
and different educational courses began operating
at the Central Committee of the Communist Party. These
educational establishments were ideological centers
preparing personnel for the new political system.
In 1924, ten schools out of the thirty-six primary
and secondary schools in the republic, in which 2,300
pupils were taught, were located in the capital. Ten
newspapers and magazines were published in Khiva.
In 1924 people living in Khiva received more than
1,000 copies of newspapers and magazines from Tashkent,
Moscow, and other towns of Soviet Russia. On the initiative
of Khamza-Khakim-Zade Niyazy, a national amateur group
of musicians and singers was formed.
All this brought new life to the ancient city and
stimulated its social life, but also led to conflict
within the population. One month after the proclamation
of the Khorezm Republic, the monarchical clergy led
an uprising in Khiva. They gathered thousands of religious
persons and overthrew the people's government, re-establishing
the khan's authority. Djunaid Khan supported the uprising.
In September 1920, a large group of Turkmen leaders
and their soldiers, headed by Koshmamed Khan, were
shot without a trial. Gulam-Ali and others managed
to escape. A punitive military group was organized
to pursue them. In their pursuit, they destroyed several
villages. This caused a mass migration of refugees
through the desert into Persia, the destabilization
of national relations, and a lessening of the anti-Russian
mood in the Khorezm Republic. At the same time, the
development of the national liberation movement under
the leadership of Djunaid Khan was taking place. On
6 March 1921, the mladokhiva government of Pavlan
Niyaz Yusupov was deposed and his legal advisors went
to work for Djunaid Khan.
The result of this unrest among the people of Khorezm
was that the agreement of 13 September 1920 that proclaimed
the Khorezm Republic to be an independent republic
was weakened. Bolshevik Russia constantly interfered
in the life of the Khorezm Republic. The Central Executive
Committee and the Council of National Commissars of
the Russian Federation in Turkistan, was organized
in September
1919, and began to carry out this policy of interference,
Later, this commission was renamed the Turkcomrnission.
It had extensive power in representing the Bolshevik
government of Russia in Turkistan, but it also had
authority in the countries, which had common borders
with Turkistan, such as Bukhara and Khiva. The Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation,
by the special mandate of 10 October 1919, extended
the power of the Turkcommission, granting it supreme
Party control in Central Asia. This allowed the Turkcommission
to influence the development of events according to
its own agenda. The Turk commission gave constant
attention to rallying the rather weak Khivan communist
groups. Russian Bolsheviks put their hope in few supporters
and gave extensive military support to them. And they
were successful in changing the course of the so-called
Khiva Revolution of 1920! The communists stepped over
the moderate limits of the political program of mladokhiva
activists.
On 10 February 1920, a few days after the end of the
in khanate, the Turkcommission sent an official commission
to Khiva with emergency powers. This commission had
representatives involved in every aspect of the affairs
of Khorezm and in reality became the true ruling body
of Khorezm and of its people. No meetings were held
without the permission of this authorized body. Although
on 4 April 1920, a broad spectrum of Khorezm, including
the communist commanders of military forces of Russia
staying in Khiva, members of the Khiva Revkom, and
the mladokhiva activists participated in a meeting
of the victorious coalition. In the meeting a decision
was made to create a united party — the Communist
Committee in Khiva. As soon as the mladokhiva activists
became the members of the Committee, they disbanded
their own party. Thus, under pressure, the unified
authority of the communists was established, despite
the absence of an industrial proletariat as the basis
of a communist movement. At the same time, the national
democratic reform party was liquidated.
However, former mladokhiva activists, as members of
local communist organizations, continued to keep leadership
in the political and governmental life of the country.
They were the basis of the first government of the
Republic, which was elected as the first Khorezm Kurultay
of national representatives. Pavlan ?1-yaz Jusupov
was elected as the chairman of the national flazir
Council. The majority of the members of the mladokhiva
government, being liberal democrats, envisioned the
national democratic development of the country as
an independent state. But this was not convenient
for Bolshevik leaders in Russia. They wanted to discredit
the mladokhiva government. «The government is
not efficient and is not popular among the workers»,
the Party charged.
One episode in the Bolshevik reaction was the severe
punishment of the chiefs of the Turkmen tribes in
September 1920. An investigation into this incident
established the identity of some of those responsible.
Shakirov, plenipotentiary representative of Russia
in Khorezm, was accused of shooting Turkmen riders.
Dubyanskiy, commander of the Bolshevik troops in Russia,
was accused of intervening in the affairs of Turkmen
groups and using reprisals. However, the true organizers
of the tragedy remained at large. Blame for the incident
was laid at the feet of the mladokhiva government,
and this was used by the Turk-commission as a reason
to get more involved in the internal affairs of the
Khorezm republic.
M. Safonov, appointed head of the Turk-commission
on 19 October 1920, was given the broadest power in
the affairs of the republic. Safarov was involved
in business activity in the republic, and displayed
a general ignorance of the legitimate government of
the republic, although he directly involved himself
in its affairs. The mladokhiva government made attempts
to strengthen its position and to drive Safonov from
Khorezm. They took steps to create a national army.
They soon realized that events were developing that
were beyond their control; in response to the actions
of the mladokhiva Communist Party, a campaign was
being organized to oppose the power of the local party.
The Turkcommission and its plenipotentiary representative,
Safonov, allied itself with the Khivan army (Purkhiv).
Communist agitators played a key role. The Purkhiv
seized control of all the political work in Khorezm
and opposed the local Khorezm communist party leaders.
As a result, they managed to gain power in the party.
All over the country, mass meetings were held. In
these meetings, with the assistance of the Purkhiv,
the decision was made to remove the mladokhiva government
it was deposed on ? March 1921. The creation of Revcom
(Revolutionary Committee), which included five people
(nominated by the Purkhiv), was announced. Revcom
was organized before the convocation of the second
All Khorezm Kurultay. Thus, in the Khorezm Republic,
a state revolution was accomplished again by outside
forces and the legitimately elected government was
deposed. Participants in this new revolution hurried
to consolidate their victory.
On 15 May 1921 in Khiva, the Second All Khorezm Kurultay
was convened. It operated under the direct leadership
of the plenipotentiary representatives of Bolshevik
Russia. The Second Kurultay ratified a new Constitution,
containing articles depriving former government supporters
of voting rights, and also banned priests and «parasitic
elements» (wealthy dekhkans and handicraftsmen,
who used hired labor) from participation in the government,
and suppressed the clergy. The decisions of the second
Kurultay epitomized the changes taking place in the
Khorezm Republic. The policies of the mladokhivans
were condemned as unpatriotic.
Occurring simultaneously with changes in the political
policy, there was a constant infringement upon the
sovereign rights of the Khorezm Republic, and a resulting
loss of state independence. The fortunes of the republic
were subject to a stream of plenipotentiary representatives.
Unfamiliar with the customs and the lifestyle of the
republic, its mentality, and religion, they interacted
poorly with the local culture. Nevertheless, they
supervised the country, artificially motivating class
differentiation within the society. They conspired
to limit the influence of the clergy and tribal leaders
on the population, and to arouse a class conflict
in society. Existing committees for the poor in villages
were transformed into unions of poor dekhkans, and
later into Koshchy Unions. These foreign rulers received
their main support from the Khorezm Communist Party.
Under the guise of strengthening the party, they carried
out an infinite number of re-registrations (December
1920, summer 1921, 1923) and dissolved many organizations
and party committees. Their purpose was the creation
of a «pocket» party, obedient to the will
of the Russian party. The first Congress of the Khorezm
Communist Party (December 1921), having discussed
the question of armed forces in the republic, decided
that it would be possible to limit their numbers to
one cavalry regiment and one infantry battalion. This
decision meant the death of a Khorezm national army,
which was an important symbol of the state's independence.
An attack on the independence of the country was in
progress.
In autumn 1921, the Central Committee of the Workers
Communist Party suggested the economic unification
of Turkestan, Bukhara, and Khorezm. On 1 February
1922, the Political Bureau of the Communist Workers’
Party supported this idea. One of the main reasons
for economic unification was the need for one currency
in these three republics. The main currency was declared
to be the Russian chervonetz. The Khorezm Republic
was deprived of its national currency — one
more important symbol of state independence and sovereignty.
The next step towards the unification of the region
was a new agreement between the Khorezm Republic and
Russia, signed in June 1922. One item of the agreement
announced that the Khorezm Republic was given the
right to do business with foreign countries only under
the supervision of the Vneshtorg (Foreign Trade Organization)
or its plenipotentiary representative. This forced
intervention into the sovereign rights of the Khorezm
Republic caused confusion even among local communists.
At the Third Congress of the Communist Party of the
Republic (June 1922), some delegates spoke against
these this policy under the slogan «Khorezm
for Khorezmians». However, the Central Asian
Bureau of the Communist Party ignored these statements.
In March 1923. They held the first conference on the
economic unification of the Central Asia Republics.
The Co-ordination Center of the Middle Asia Economic
Council was set up. The main purpose of this Council
was to carry out economic reforms on the basis of
economic policies and plans, thus, the basic leadership
of the political, economic, and financial life of
the republic came under the control of Russia and
it became an entity within the structures of its state
system. The new Constitution, authorized by the Fourth
Khorezm Kurultay Council on 17 October 1923, officially
transformed the Khorezm Republic into a socialistic
construct and confirmed its subordination to Russia.
According to the new Constitution, private ownership
of land was cancelled, and all land became public
property, to be handed to the workers without any
repayment. At Kurultay, a very important question
about vakufs was solved with this decision: «The
peasants on free grounds are not forced to pay the
uniform agricultural tax.» These and other Kurultay
decisions caused an eruption of national indignation,
especially among the clergy, which had been shut out
of the economic and political life of the country
and also deprived of all civil rights. Turkmen were
also dissatisfied with the lack of attention given
to their needs, while peasants, handicraftsmen, and
merchants were dissatisfied with the land tax decision,
which destroyed the economic relations sanctified
not only by religion but also by the custom of many
centuries.)
All complaints about the new reforms went to Djunaid
Khan, who supported the country's independence, and
the preservation of its customs and religion. His
nationalist movement, which was identified by the
officials as bas-machestvo, caused anxiety within
the government. A few days after the completion of
the fourth Kurultay, the Central Committee of the
Communist Party asked the Central Asia Bureau to increase
the number of Russian troops in the Republic, at the
end of 1923, there was an attempt to start peace talks
with Djunaid Khan. However, the terms he put forward
did not satisfy the officials. Among his terms were
the following: 1) to withdraw Russian troops, 2) to
give complete freedom to shariat, 3) to restore all
former khakirns and aksakals to their positions, 4)
to cancel taxes and patents. The negotiations failed,
as did the clergy then interceded on behalf of Djunaid
Khan.
|